Myanmar president promises to systematically transfer power to new gov’t

Already, analysts are debating the possible impact of this new government on China-Myanmar relations. In the space of a week, the conversation has shifted from a gloomy prognosis of partial democracy under the thumb of the military to genuine optimism about the country’s potential reforms. In August, the regime set the minimum eight-hour wage at $US2.80, barely above the worldwide poverty line of $2 a day, in order to allow Burma to be competitive with countries like Cambodia, Vietnam and Bangladesh.

Ms Suu Kyi riled the generals by insisting that she would appoint a proxy to the top job while governing from a role “above the president”, in defiance of the constitution that they drew up. As academic and activist Min Zin wrote in Foreign Policy this month, just the opportunity of free political expression was extraordinary.

The Union Election Board has been slow in announcing official results, though the outcome has generally been a foregone conclusion, with both the NLD earlier claiming victory and the ruling party informally conceding.

Wielding an overwhelming mandate from Myanmar’s voters, Aung San Suu Kyi has power in her sights after a quarter century of democratic struggle against the army, but analysts say building bridges with former military foes is vital to her success.

Suu Kyi will reportedly hold talks with Thein Sein and Aung Hliang about possible constitutional changes.

And for many Burmese, suspicions linger that the military and its political proxies could use coming weeks to outmanoeuvre the NLD.

When the party does take over to dish up the country’s first taste of civilian rule in nearly 50 years, it will confront a range of challenges, from reducing poverty and building infrastructure, to managing natural resources and bringing alienated ethnic minorities into the political process.

“The question is what the relationship will be like between the NLD and the military, and how the relationship is perceived by the armed groups”, Horsey said.

Suu Kyi has criticised the long handover process, calling the constitution that proscribes it “very silly”. Her status as a national redeemer clearly carries weight among the marginalised.

While most lawmakers lost their seats in the election, the current parliamentary session-which will last until the end of January-will have full power to pass legislation. In other words, the new NLD-led government will abide by the rules and strictures laid down by the military.

In opposition, Suu Kyi’s party could count on many of these groups as allies, partly on the basis of the concept that “my enemy’s enemy is my friend”.

The NLD may be lapping at the firewalls of the powerful military, which still has a constitutionally guaranteed 25 per cent of parliamentary seats, but until March, the country likely faces political limbo and reform uncertainty.

The NLD’s triumph was significant in that the people of Myanmar had spoken freely for the first time in 25 years.

She is banned from becoming president by the junta-era constitution because she married and had children with a foreigner. Perhaps even more substantively, a real transition to democracy requires breaking the military’s lock on parliament and key ministries.

The military’s reserve in parliament can, for now, block any such amendments.