Hong Kong Set to Arrest Protest Leaders
Her closest challenger was former finance secretary John Tsang, who received 365 votes, mostly from pro-democracy members on the committee.
Lam played down any suggestion of a link between her election win and the police charges. In 2014, she faced off against protesting students in a televised debate, a performance that pleased Beijing but left her unpopular with many Hong Kong residents.
As Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor vows to lead with a “new style of governance”, political watchers are wondering how she will recalibrate the relationship between the chief executive and the mainland.
Earlier, Mabel Au, spokeswoman for Amnesty International in Hong Kong, said the renewed charges for former demonstrators are part of an ongoing attack on the city’s traditional freedoms of speech and association, enshrined in a Sino-British agreement over the 1997 handover.
The majority of Hong Kong’s 7.3 million population does not have a say in electing their leader.
While few dispute that the chief executive is ultimately answerable to the central government, the more immediate question is whether she can pursue the principle of “one country, two systems” without shifting further towards “one country”. As the outcome became clear, Mrs Lam’s supporters in the public gallery cheered and waved Chinese flags. The backlash reflects mainstream opinion since mass pro-democracy protests erupted 3 years ago.
That reputation took a hit during a December trip to Beijing, when Lam – who was then mulling a run – announced plans to build a Hong Kong offshoot of China’s Palace Museum. Protesters viewed this as a sham, and the city’s legislature rejected the proposal. Many, including opposition democrats, fear Lam will stick to the tough policies of Chun-ying, who ordered the firing of teargas on pro-democracy protesters in 2014 and who was not seen to be defending Hong Kong’s autonomy. “This is why we have to keep engaging in civil disobedience”. Mainland Chinese are immigrating here, and they don’t understand democracy. “I hope lawmakers can give positive feedback, for the benefit of Hong Kong, to afford some patience and time to Mrs Lam and her team”. In 2014, Beijing said it would allow direct elections but only from a list of pre-approved candidates. But 20 years on, there are serious concerns Beijing is undermining the agreement.
Lam, a long-time civil servant, is nicknamed the nanny because of her background running numerous government projects.
While Tsang may have been acceptable to China’s rulers, Lam was seen as even more so.
The call from the Liaison Office for unity among tycoons, estimated to hold influence on around 200 votes out of the possible 1,194, had been the strongest ever, he said. One pro-democracy group unfurled a huge banner proclaiming “I want genuine universal suffrage” from Lion Rock, which overlooks Hong Kong’s Victoria Harbor.
Hong Kong capitalists, represented by Tien, could only blame themselves for losing their political power in the city over the past decade. Public backing may be last on their list of desired qualities, but Mrs Lam will be mindful how much a lack of it damaged the career of her predecessor.
A detail-focused manager, devout Catholic and mother of two, she had planned to retire until this opportunity arose.
Candidates Carrie Lam, left and Woo Kwok-hing, center, look on as officials open ballot boxes. His comments underline the challenge Lam is facing, balancing an intransigent Beijing with home-grown calls for full democracy that have not abated. Record-high property prices are pushing out middle-class families, income disparities rank among the world’s highest, economic growth has slowed and a younger generation is struggling to advance. “The government really has to act”.