Aung San Suu Kyi’s party wins in Myanmar

Despite the changes in the political landscape after the election, the Myanmar people as well as the worldwide community must understand that a true sense of national reconciliation will not happen until the demands of ethnic minorities are politically resolved, the military comes under the control of a democratically elected civilian government, and the 2008 Constitution is no longer the basis of democratisation.

The party’s success has relied heavily on the almost supernatural aura of its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, channeled effectively by a campaign that elevated “Mother Suu” over any substantial discussion of platform or policy.

Suu Kyi, 70, has sought to take a conciliatory approach following the elections, dampening victory celebrations and requesting talks with President Thein Sein, army chief Min Aung Hlaing and parliament speaker Shwe Mann – heavyweights from the former junta.

The November 8 elections were the most widely contested since 1990, a time when Suu Kyi was under house arrest.

Suu Kyi’s party secured 348 seats, enough to choose the next president, ending decades of military-backed rule.

Under a clause implemented into the constitution by the then-ruling military junta, Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from becoming president because her sons are citizens of a foreign country (both are British) as was her late husband.

Win Htein, of the NLD, said the party would face much more trouble with negotiations than the ruling USDP, which is led by former military men. The old law-making body would continue as the caretaker legislature until January.

Though that could pave the way for an NLD presidency, it won’t be Suu Kyi.

Shwe Mann also extended his thanks to “all organizations and individuals who participated in holding a successful election”, and pledged to collaborate with the new government and the military-which is guaranteed one-third of the seats in parliament under the constitution-to “ensure peace and stability in the post-election period”. This would have been unthinkable just five years ago, when the controlling military regime forbid it. President Koirala has praised the courage and commitment shown by the people of Myanmar in the recent election.

“There is no constitutional way she can formally be above the president”, said Richard Horsey, an independent Myanmar analyst, adding the head of state would need sufficient stature to wield the “enormous executive power” engendered in the role. Institutionalized discrimination against the minority Muslim community in Rakhine state and elsewhere also continued under the rising influence of xenophobic Buddhist organizations.

He went on, “I think in the coming weeks what we want to see are the key players, key political actors and institutions in Burma sitting down together to process the election results and to look ahead to the future”.

It is important to remember, however, that the road map of political reform was initiated from the top. When an NLD government takes power in March, she will come under mounting global pressure to take a definitive stance in their defence.

Many NLD supporters remain deeply suspicious of the army and its political allies, who are notorious for dirty tricks and crackdowns that have left hundreds dead and thousands jailed.

With several ongoing ethnic minority civil wars and long borders with the world’s most populous nations, “the military in this country is not going anywhere”, he said.